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Taiwan Defense & Security Reports

Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q3, 2005

The stalemate over the Chen Shui-bian Administration’s request for funding three key weapon systems through special extra-budgetary means within Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan (LY) has been a significant disappointment for the United States and its defense industry. The special budget has also become a frustration to President Chen Shui-bian, whose popularity is at a record low, to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and to the Ministry of National Defense (MND).

The question asked by a senior United States government representative during the recent U.S.-Taiwan Business Council Defense Conference in San Diego is legitimate. If Taiwan is not willing to properly invest in its own self-defense, why should the United States continue to provide for it? The special budget has indeed become a domestic “political football,” and could be viewed as a symbol of Taiwan’s commitment to defend itself. It is true that national defense should be above partisan politics, and that the people of Taiwan should hold their politicians to similar standards. It is legitimate to ask how much should be sacrificed by the U.S. for the security and democracy of others.

The United States has a vested interest in a Taiwan that is able to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability; is stable, democratic, and economically viable; plays a constructive role in promoting political, economic, and military stability in the Taiwan Strait and the Western Pacific; has a professional, civilian-controlled defense establishment that is modern, joint, and able to function effectively should it be required to defend itself; and enjoys a political leadership that possesses the security and confidence to engage in a political dialogue with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to achieve peaceful resolution of differences in a manner acceptable to the people of Taiwan.

With this in mind, this report attempts to address Taiwan’s security and commitment to its own defense. What are the conditions that have resulted in the current impasse? Is the special budget truly a symbol of Taiwan’s commitment to its defense? If the special budget does ultimately fail, what are the implications for the United States and U.S. defense industrial interests? Are there lessons that could be drawn in order to further U.S. national interests and those of the U.S. defense industry? If one assumes that Taiwan is an emerging yet still evolving democracy, what role could the United States and its defense industry play in assisting Taiwan through its growing pains?

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q3, 2005

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Taiwan Defense & Security Reports

Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q2, 2005

Well into his second term, Chen Shui-bian and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) continues to face a number of challenges in ensuring Taiwan’s defense and national security. With less than three years remaining in his term, President Chen is seeking to consolidate control over the country’s national security and defense establishment, and implement an ambitious force modernization and defense reform program.

However, a number of obstacles stand in the way of the Chen Shui-bian Administration’s successful pursuit of its defense and national security agenda. Perhaps the most significant is the DPP’s inability to ensure passage of an extra-budgetary funding request for weapon systems that are considered central to Taiwan’s force modernization program.

This quarter’s defense and national security analysis examines the special budget issue in detail, including how the special budget issue has evolved, and the domestic political and economic environment that has for so long been preventing its passage.

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q2, 2005

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Taiwan Defense & Security Reports

Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q1, 2005

In the wake of its failure to attain a majority in the December 2004 Legislative Yuan (LY) elections, the first quarter of 2005 was marked by a deepening of political divisions between the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Kuomintang (KMT). A number of events this quarter have created a tense and emotional atmosphere, with significant implications for the future of Taiwan’s national security and cross-Strait stability.

This quarterly report reviews Taiwan’s security environment, including the Chinese Anti-Secession Law, the détente between the DPP and opposition People’s First Party (PFP), and the KMT’s cross-Strait initiative. This report then examines the implications of the environment on today’s key defense policy issue – the Chen Shui-bian administration’s NT$480 billion (US$15.29 billion) special budget request for diesel electric submarines, PATRIOT PAC-3 missile defense systems, and P-3C maritime patrol aircraft. Finally, we provide an update on key Army, Navy, and Air Force issues.

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q1, 2005

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Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Annual Review, 2004

In the wake of Taiwan’s legislative elections in December 2004, Chen Shui-bian’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration is grappling with a range of domestic and international challenges to safeguard Taiwan’s defense and national security. Over the past year, President Chen – having overseen a major transition in defense leadership during the first month of his second term and failing to secure a legislative majority in December – is trying to consolidate control over the country’s national security and defense establishments and trying to implement a far reaching force modernization and defense reform program.

However, a number of obstacles continue to slow progress. First, a highly divided domestic polity in which the opposition is using defense issues as a bully pulpit to further political agendas continues to stymie his efforts to develop a force capable of standing up to the growing threat from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Taiwan continues to suffer from limited choices in its force modernization plan, an issue that is further complicated by an inefficient defense industrial infrastructure. This defense and national security analysis reviews the key events of 2004, assesses the results of the December 2004 legislative elections, and examines developments in Taiwan’s defense budget and procurement programs.

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Annual Review, 2004

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Taiwan Defense & Security Reports

Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q3, 2004

As Taiwan enters a politically sensitive period preceding highly contested legislative elections in December, Chen Shui-bian’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration is traveling along a bumpy path to guarantee Taiwan’s defense and national security. President Chen, having overseen a major transition in defense leadership during the first month of his second term, is consolidating control over the country’s national security and defense establishments and trying to implement a far-reaching force modernization and defense reform program. However, a number of obstacles continue to slow progress.

First, a strategic and rational approach to force modernization is complicated by a highly divided domestic polity in which the opposition is using defense issues as a bully pulpit to further its political agenda. Second, Taiwan continues to suffer from limited choices in its force modernization plan, an issue that is only further complicated by an inefficient defense industrial infrastructure. This quarter’s defense and national security analysis examines the domestic political and economic environment in the lead-up to the December 2004 legislative elections, defense budget and procurement developments, and provides an update on key procurement programs.

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q3, 2004

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Taiwan Defense & Security Reports

Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q2, 2004

As they begin their second term, Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) face a number of challenges in ensuring Taiwan’s defense and national security. Over the next four years, President Chen will seek to consolidate control over the country’s national security and defense establishments, and to implement an ambitious force modernization and defense reform program.

Obstacles in his path include a highly divided domestic polity in which a large segment of the opposition is against significant additional investment into defense, a restrictive international environment that limits Taiwan’s choices for procurement, a weak defense industrial base, and an economy that is becoming increasingly reliant on the mainland for growth.

This quarter’s defense and national security analysis examines the domestic political and economic environments that will help shape the direction of Taiwan’s defense and national security policies. The report will also discuss defense policy issues – including defense and national security leadership transitions and other personnel shifts – as well as defense budget and procurement developments, it will then conclude with a discussion of U.S.-Taiwan defense relations.

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q2, 2004

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Taiwan Defense & Security Reports

Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q1, 2004

Taiwan is in a period of political transition, as President Chen Shui-bian’s electoral victory is being contested within Taiwan’s judicial system. A second Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration has significant implications for force modernization and budget issues, as well as for defense reform, strategy, and U.S.-Taiwan defense relations.

Under normal circumstances, Chen’s election to a second term would have given the President more confidence to press the DPP’s defense agenda, which was first articulated in the party’s defense white paper issued in November 1999. However, allegations of DPP improprieties by the KMT/People’s First Party (PFP) coalition – collectively known as “Pan-Blue” – the narrow margin of victory, and the failure of the two referenda could hinder progress on a range of fronts, at least for the initial few months into Chen’s second term.

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q1, 2004

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Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Annual Review, 2003

The US-Taiwan military relationship saw a major, positive evolution during 2003. Although the year started out at low ebb, apparently hampered by major differences in strategic outlook and planning, it ended with a comprehensive, shared strategic vision to guide Taiwan’s modernization program over the next decade. This annual issue of the Defense & Aerospace Report will address those developments in the US-Taiwan military relationship, where funding is a key component, as well as the successful implementation of the plan for procurement, tied to the annual budget and to the special arms budget, which will be critical to achieving the shared strategic objectives that have emerged in the US-Taiwan relationship

In addition, we will examine the upcoming Taiwan presidential elections in March, a closely contested race that will have wide-ranging consequences not only for Taiwan’s domestic economic and political situation, but that will also impact China’s cross-Strait policies and influence the full scope of US-PRC-Taiwan relations. Incumbent President and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidate Chen Shui-bian, with running mate Vice President Annette Lu, and the allied Kuomintang/People’s First Party (KMT/PFP) candidates Lien Chan and James Soong are already pulling out all the stops as they vie for popular support. Chen is appealing heavily to a populist sense of identity and nationalism with calls for constitutional change and a public referendum. Lien was carving out a platform calling for a more moderate approach to cross-Strait relations, but the Pan-Blue (KMT/PFP) coalition did not make headway attacking the quality of DPP governance, and has in recent weeks launched its own “nationalist” appeal with competing proposals for referenda and constitutional changes.

Finally, we will review some of what is known of the 2004 national defense budget, and provide a status report on the special arms budget and on the progress of Taiwan’s major arms programs. If President Chen wins the election, the special arms budget will likely move through as expected during the summer months, whereas a Pan-Blue victory could potentially delay the process as a result of the change in administration. As for the overall procurement program – addressing all the systems and projects that the Bush Administration approved in April 2001 – it is moving fairly slowly. With a plan finally in place, however, that pace should accelerate over the course of 2004. Barring unforeseen disruptions, the Taiwan military is poised to move forward on addressing its defense modernization objectives.

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Annual Review, 2003

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Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q3, 2003

Taiwan’s presidential elections in March 2004 will influence the debate and color any government decisions throughout the next six months. Key issues in the upcoming elections include the overall state of the Taiwan economy, as well as the state of U.S.-Taiwan and cross-Strait relations.

The elections will also signal Taiwan’s long- term strategic approach to the relationship with China, either towards unification if the pan-Blue Kuomintang (KMT)-People’s First Party (PFP) coalition wins, or continuing de facto independence if the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and its pan-Green supporters retains the presidency. The election results will have serious consequences for the losing party in the short run, as it will likely undergo major restructuring in hopes of regaining relevance on the Taiwan political scene, while also having consequences for the terms of Taiwan’s existence in the long run.

Over the past quarter, Taiwan officials have continued to be concerned over apparent improvements in U.S.-PRC relations, and they are taking clear and definitive steps to reassure the Taiwan public that the island’s interests will not be sacrificed because of those improvements. The Chen Administration’s draft defense budget for 2004 and its proposed special defense budget are both designed to show the public its commitment to national security, an issue that has garnered particular attention because of the ongoing discourse on direct cross-Strait links. With the continued sluggish economy, however, the increased size of the proposed 2004 defense budget could also increase Taiwan’s budget deficit and may also become an issue in the election.

On a positive note, the state of Taiwan’s military relations with the United States has taken a turn for the better over the last quarter, with much of the uncertainty that characterized the relationship in the first half of the year dissipating. That uncertainty has been replaced with more and better communication, which has led to a better understanding of each side’s needs, priorities, and strategic direction. Expanding U.S.-Taiwan military ties and continued and significant developments in the progress of arms sales programs both bode well for U.S. defense contractors.

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q3, 2003

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Taiwan Defense & Security Reports

Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q2, 2003

Following the US-Taiwan Business Council’s Defense Industry conference this past February in San Antonio, Texas, one may have been left with the impression that the arms sales programs were stalled and the military-to-military relationship between the United States and Taiwan was strained. This appeared to be the case due to the differing assessments made by the two sides of the degree of seriousness of the Chinese threat facing Taiwan, and the level of urgency required to meet that threat. The United States sees the threat as more immediate — one that might impact the cross-Strait situation between 2005 and 2007 — while Taiwan believes that the threat will not become critical until at least the next decade. Consequently, the United States and Taiwan, while both sharing a long-term strategic interest in promoting peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, each operate with a different sense of urgency, leading to different acquisition priorities and different perspectives on the need to commit resources to the problem. The United States is continuing to refine its set of strategic priorities for Taiwan, emphasizing improvements in missile defense capabilities, C4ISR, and anti-submarine warfare.

Furthermore, the dramatic impact of SARS also contributed to the sense that aspects of the US-Taiwan relationship were stalled. SARS affected the region by greatly restricting business travel, reducing face-to-face contacts, and directing most of the affected regions’ governments to focus on the crisis rather than on defense issues. Finally, with less than a year before Taiwan’s next presidential elections, the maneuvering for advantage in Taiwan’s domestic politics has picked up speed, particularly around the controversial issue of national referendums, which may also affect cross-Strait relations and consequently issues of national defense.

However, as we move into the third quarter of 2003, a brighter picture is emerging. SARS is under control for the time being, and dialogue with the U.S. government during recent visits to Washington by senior Taiwan officials has also helped to clarify priorities for arms sales programs.

 

Executive Summary: Taiwan Defense & Security Report – Q2, 2003